我们的一致之处(中国国家性质）

我们的一致之处
BEFORE TAKING UP his arguments in more detail, and in order to avoid any misunderstanding, we will try to sketch out where we agree and where we disagree with Vincent Kolo. The Maoist-Stalinist planned economy (dominated by state-owned industry but undemocratically managed by a ruling bureaucracy), which began to crumble in the 1970s, no longer exists. Whatever state intervention there is, there will be no return to the Stalinist planned economy, which developed on the basis of the international class relations of a past era. The destruction in recent years of the social gains of the masses based on the planned economy – the ‘iron rice bowl’ (security of employment) and education, health and welfare provisions provided by state-owned enterprises and village communes – is a counter-revolutionary development that has had a devastating effect on workers and peasants. The leadership of the Chinese state – the CCP and the state apparatus – from Deng Xiaoping to Hu Jintao has fostered the development of capitalist forces and sought to integrate China into the global economy. The leadership, recognising the failure of bureaucratic planning, has sought to develop a new social-economic base for its rule.
在更详细地就他的观点争论之前以及为了避免任何误解，我们将努力勾画出那里是我们认同文森特的和那里是我们不同意文森特的。毛派斯大林主义计划经济（由国有工业主导的，但却由处于统治地位的官僚进行非民主管理的）在20世纪70年代开始崩溃，已不复存在。无论是否存在国家干预，也不会再恢复到斯大林主义计划经济体制了，这个计划经济体制是建立在过去时代的国际阶级关系的基础上的。最近几年里，建立在计划经济基础上的群众取得的社会成果的丧失-国有企业和村镇公社所提供的'铁饭碗' （就业保障）和教育，卫生和福利的丧失-是一个反革命性的演变，对工人和农民产生了破坏性的影响。中国国家领导层-中共及其国家机器-从邓小平到胡锦涛促进资本主义势力的发展并设法将中国融入世界经济。该领导层承认官僚计划经济的失败，寻求发展它的统治的一种新的社会经济基础。
The growth of the capitalist market has been accompanied by the intensified, super-exploitation of the majority of workers and peasants (in both private and state-owned companies) and a grotesque widening of inequality. The growth of market relations has led to the emergence of a tiny stratum of capitalist billionaires and a wider layer of wealthy capitalists. The Chinese regime is one of the most repressive in the world and uses its massive apparatus to suppress all forms of opposition organisation, activity and discussion. The counter-revolutionary destruction of the social gains of the planned economy is virtually complete and China is heading in the direction of a ‘full’ capitalist economy.
资本主义市场的增长一直伴随着对大多数工人和农民（在私营和国有企业）强化的超剥削和不平等的异常地扩大。市场关系的增长导致出现了很小的作为亿万富翁的资本家阶层和更大的富裕的资本家阶层。中国政权是世界上最为具有镇压性的政权之一而且使用其庞大的国家机器来禁止一切形式的反对派组织，活动和讨论。对计划经济的社会成果的反革命破坏事实上已完成而且中国正在朝着完全的'资本主义经济方向而去。
We reject any claim by the regime (or its apologists) that they are developing the market – capitalist relations – in order to ‘strengthen socialism’, even in the limited sense of defending a state-planned economy. The regime no doubt fears a growing backlash against corruption, poverty wages, the growth of inequality and environmental destruction. But these social phenomena are the result of the policies they are pursuing. We judge the Chinese leaders by their deeds, not by the deceitful ‘socialist’ language they use in an attempt to legitimize their counter-revolutionary measures. We share the anger of Chinese workers and peasants at the squanderring of the gains of the 1949 revolution and the promotion of the most predatory elements of capitalism.
我们反对该政权（或其辩护士）的任何主张认为即使在捍卫国家计划经济的有限的意义上，他们正在发展的市场-资本主义的关系-是为了'加强社会主义'。毫无疑问该政权担心越来越强烈的反对腐败、底工资、不平等的增长和对环境的破坏。但是，这些社会现象是由于他们正在推行政策导致的。我们通过他们的行为而不是骗人的'社会主义'的语言来判断中国领导人，他们使用的这样的语言是企图合法化其反革命的措施。我们赞成中国工人和农民对毁弃1949年革命取得的成果而促进最掠夺性的资本主义因素的反革命表现出来的的愤怒。
There is also broad agreement with Vincent Kolo on the programme that should be adopted by Marxists in relation to China. We call for state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to be run under workers’ control and management, and for SOEs to be integrated in a plan of production under the direction of a workers’ government and managed by elected, democratic planning bodies. Large privately-owned firms should be nationalised – or re-nationalised – and also run democratically by workers as part of a planned economy. As internationalists, we also raise the issue of international collaboration between Chinese workers and workers in other countries with the aim of developing economic planning on an international level.
在与中国有关的方面马克思主义者应采用的纲要上。我们和文森特也有着广泛的一致的地方。我们呼吁国有企业（SOEs）在工人的控制和管理下经营，以及将国有企业纳入在工人政府的指导下的计划生产并由选举出来的民主的计划经济机构来管理。大型民营企业应当国有化-或重新国有化-并作为计划经济的一部分由工人民主地运行。作为国际主义者，我们还提出带着在国际水平上发展经济计划的目的，中国工人和其他国家工人之间的国际合作的问题。
We agree that (as Vincent says), “A political – ‘anti-bureaucratic’ – revolution is no longer enough to raise the working class to power”. But we do not accept his assertion that, “Nor is it correct to say a new revolution will combine tasks of the political and social revolution…” There are indisputably important sections of industry and banking remaining under state ownership and control, and a revolutionary overturn would entail placing them under workers’ control and management. A proletarian revolution would, of course, involve the overthrow of the present state and the expropriation of the Chinese and foreign capitalists. But the tasks facing the coming Chinese revolution, because of the remnants of Maoism-Stalinism, are in some ways more complex than in the advanced capitalist countries, and our revolutionary programme must reflect this reality.
我们认为， （如文森特所说） ， “政治上的-'反官僚' -革命不足以再使工人阶级获取权力”。但我们不接受他如下的说法， “说一场新的革命将结合政治和社会革命的任务是不正确地... ”无可争辩在中国，工业和银行业的重要部分仍处于国家所有和控制下，而且一个革命性的颠覆将需要对其进行工人的控制和管理。无产阶级革命，当然包括推翻目前的国家和中国和外国的资本家的剥削。但由于残余的毛泽东斯大林主义，在某些方面，将来的中国革命面临的任务要比先进的资本主义国家复杂得多，我们的革命纲要必须反映这一现实。